2019上半年翻译资格考试中级笔译冲刺试题十

英译汉

The U. S. -Europe Divide

President Bush is making a noble effort to1 pull together the fraying alliance, but the fact is Europeans and Americans no longer share a common view of the world. On the all-important2 question of power - the utility of power, the morality of power - they have parted ways.3 Europeans believe they are moving beyond power into a self_contained4 world of laws and rules and transnational negotiation and cooperation. Europe itself has entered a post-historical paradise, the realization of Immanuel Kant's'5 "Perpetual Peace." The United States, meanwhile, remains mired in history, exercising power in the anarchic Hobbesian6 world where international rules are unreliable and where security and the promotion of a liberal order still depend on the possession and use of military might.7 This is why, on major strategic and international questions today, Americans are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus: 8 They agree on little and understand one another less and less.

Why the divergent perspectives? They are not deeply rooted in national character. Two centuries ago American statesmen appealed to international law and disdained "power politics", while European statesmen spoke of raison d'etat. Europeans marched off to World War I believing in power and martial glory, while Americans talked of arbitration treaties. Now the roles have reversed.

Part of the reason is the enormous shift in the balance of power. The gap between the United States and Europe opened wide as a result of World War n and has grown wider in the past decade. America's unparalleled military strength has predictably given it a greater propensity9 to use force and a more confident belief in the moral legitimacy of power. Europe's relative weakness has produced an aversion to force as a tool of international relations. Europeans today, like Americans 200 years ago, seek a world where strength doesn't matter so much, where unilateral action by powerful nations is forbidden, where all nations regardless of their strength are protected by commonly agreed rules of behavior. 10 For many Europeans, progress toward such a world is more important than eliminating the threat posed by Saddam Hussein. For Americans, the Hobbesian world is not so frightening. Unilateralism is naturally more attractive to those with the capacity to act unilaterally. And international law constrains strong nations more than it does the weak. Because of the disparity of power, Americans and Europeans even view 11 threats differently. A person armed only with a knife may decide that a bear prowling the forest is a tolerable danger - trying to kill the bear is riskier than lying low and hoping the bear never attacks. But a person with a rifle will likely make a different calculation: Why should he risk being mauled to death if he doesn't need to? Americans could imagine successfully invading Iraq and toppling Saddam, and therefore more than 70 percent of Americans favored that action.

Europeans, not surprisingly, found it unimaginable and frightening.

But it is not just the power gap that divides Americans and Europeans today. Europe's relatively pacific strategic culture is also the product of its war-like past. The European Union is a monument to Europe's rejection of the old power politics. Who knows the dangers of Machtpolitik better than a French or German citizen? As the British diplomat Robert Cooper recently noted, Europe today lives in a "postmodern system" that does not rest on12 a balance of power but on "the rejection of force" and on " self-enforced rules of behavior. " Raison d'etat has been "replaced by a moral consciousness." American realists may scoff, but within the confines of Europe the brutal laws of power politics really have been repealed. Since World War II European society has been shaped not by the traditional exercise of power but by the unfolding of a geopolitical miracle: The German lion has lain down with13 the French lamb. The new Europe has succeeded not by balancing power but by transcending power. And now Europeans have become evangelists for their "postmodern" gospel of international relations. The application of the European miracle to the rest of the world has become Europe's new mission.

This has put Europeans and Americans on a collision course. Americans have not lived the European miracle. They have no experience of promoting14 ideals and order successfully without power. Their memory of the past 50 years is of a Cold War struggle that was eventually won by strength and determination, not by the spontaneous triumph of "moral consciousness. 15 As good children of the Enlightenment, Americans believe in human perfectibility. But Americans from Donald Rumsfeld to Madeleine Albright also believe that global security and a liberal order depend on the United States — that "indispensable nation" - wielding its power in the dangerous, Hobbesian world that still flourishes, at least outside Europe.

There is no sure cure16 for this transatlantic divergence. Those on both sides of the Atlantic who implore Europe to increase its military capabilities are right - though a Europe that has so little belief in power is unlikely to spend the money to get more of it. Those who ask Americans to show some generosity of spirit, what the Founders called "a decent respect for the opinion of mankind," are also right. The United States should honor multilateralism and the rule of law when it can, and try to build some international political capital for those times when unilateral action is unavoidable. But even if it does, will Europeans show the necessary tolerance for American power?

词汇

1.fray磨损，摩擦

2.mire陷入

3.anarchic无政府主义的

4.liberal自由主义的

5.raison d'etat [法] (=reason of state)国

家至上主义，国家利益

6.arbitration仲裁，公断

7.propensity倾向

8.aversion厌恶

9.disparity不一致，相异

10.maul伤害，殴伤

11.topple颠覆，推翻

12.Machtpolitik [德]强权政治，霸权政治

13.scoff嘲弄，嘲笑

14. repeal废除，撤销

15.collision碰撞，冲突

注释

1.making a noble effort可译作“竭力”。

2.all-important可译作“至关重要的”。

3.they have parted ways根据语境可译作“分道扬镳”。

4.self-contained原意为“自治的、自足的”，此处可引申为“完备的”。

5.以马内利·康德(1724-1804)，德国哲学家，他对哲学的贡献在于主张哥白尼革命( Copemican Revolution).

6.霍布斯哲学：霍布斯是近代科学与政治学的重要奠基者。他和培根、伽利略与笛卞尔处同一时代，彻底批判了中世纪经院哲学与古典哲学，使学术发展从中世纪迈向近代。不过，在同时代的人中，只有他企图建构一套全面的哲学理论，用来阐释自然科学、政治科学及科学方法论。

7.本句是一个定语从句，其中where international rules are unreliable和where security and the promotion of a liberal order still depend on the possession and use of military might同时限定先行词Hobbesian world，这两部分属并列关系，由于它们所表达的交际信息是状语功能，故可译作“因为……”。

8.本句可转译为“在当今重大战略和国际问题上美国与欧洲的立场相去甚远”。

9.given it a greater propensity可转译为“更加喜好”。

10.本句是一个复杂的非限定性定语从句，三个限定性分句属并列关系，翻译时宜根据汉语表达习惯拆开来译。

11.view原为动词，此处根据语境可转换为名词，译作“对……的看法”。

12.rest on原意为“躺在……上;依靠”，此处可转译为“基于”。

13.lain down with此处可理解为“和平共处”。

14.原意为“促进、发扬”，这里由于其后动宾搭配关系，可分别译作“传播理想”、“维护秩序”。

15.本句是一个定语从句，由于限定成分较长，不宜译作前置定语，可按照汉语表达习惯拆开来译：“他们对于过去50年的记忆只是一场冷战，他们靠力量和意志而不是靠人类内在的‘道德良知’最终赢得了这场战争”。

16.原意为“治疗”，此处可转译为“灵丹妙药”。

参考译文

欧美的分歧

布什总统正竭力将摩擦不断的联盟扯到一起，然而事实上欧美已经不再拥有共同的世界观。在至关重要的权力问题上，如对权力的使用及权力的道义性的看法上，他们已经分道扬镳。欧洲人坚信，他们已超越权力的境界，进入一个依靠法治、谈判与合作的完备的世界。

欧洲已步入后历史时代的天堂，实现了以马内利·康德所说的“永久的和平”。而与此同时，美国依然陷于历史的困境中，在无政府主义的霍布斯哲学的世界里施展着权力，因为在这个世界上国际准则并不可靠，还需要用军事力量去维护安全和自由秩序。所以在当今重大战略和国际问题上美国与欧洲的立场相去甚远。他们少有共识，双方越来越缺乏理解。

为什么美国和欧洲的立场会背道而驰呢?这并非深深植根于民族性格之中。两百年前，美国的政治家们求助于国际法，对抗强权政治，而他们的欧洲同事们却在谈论国家利益。当初，崇尚武力的欧洲人昂首进入第一次世界大战，而美国人却高喊调停，订立和约。如今，时移事易，他们的角色正好颠倒了过来。

这种角色的颠倒，部分是由于力量平衡的颠倒所致。二战后，美、欧实力差距不断拉大，过去十年尤甚。毫无疑问，美国无可匹敌的军事力量很自然地使它更喜好诉诸武力，更相信使用武力的道德合法性。欧洲相对弱小，因此，反感将武力当作国际关系的工具。，今天的欧洲人和200年前的美国人一样，正在致力于削弱武力在世界上的重要性，遏制强国的单边行为，并用公认的行为准则保护包括弱小国家在内的所有国家。许多欧洲人认为，这种进步远比根除萨达姆·候赛因造成的威胁重要的多。而美国人则认为，霍布斯的世界并没有如此可怕。自然，单边主义对于那些有能力采取单边行动的国家更具吸引力，因而，国际法对强国的限制要大于弱国。这种力量上的差异，甚至使美、欧对外来威胁也持有不同的看法。

手里只有一把小刀的人会把一头在森林里徘徊觅食的熊视作可以容忍的危险一一因为杀死熊要比躺在地上，祈祷它不要袭击自己更加危险。但是，手持钢枪的人就可能不这么看：既然他不必冒死躺下，那么有什么必要这样做呢?美国人觉得自己可以成功入侵伊拉克并推翻萨达姆·候赛因政权，因此超过70%的美国民众赞成这个行动。自然，欧洲人觉得这种行动难以想象，非常可怕。

但是当今关、欧的分歧并不完全是由于力量的悬殊所致。欧洲相对温和的战略跟它以前的好战经历也不无关系。欧盟的成立标志着欧洲唾弃了旧时的强权政治。有谁比法国人和德国人更清楚强权政治的危险?正如英国外交官罗伯特·库伯新近指出的，当今的欧洲处于一种“后现代体制”之中，这个体制不是基于力量的平衡，而是基于“对武力的唾弃”和“自觉执行的行为准则”。对他们而言，强权政治的合理性已经为道德良知所取代。

尽管美国的现实主义者会对此嗤之以鼻，然而在欧洲，强权政治的残酷准则确实已被废止。二战以来，塑造了欧洲社会的不是诉诸武力的传统，而是正在展开的地缘政治奇迹：德国雄狮和法国羔羊已经和平共处。新欧洲不是通过力量平衡，而是通过超越力量，获得了成功。如今的欧洲人已成为“后现代”国际关系福音书的传播者。把欧洲的奇迹推广到世界其他地区已成为欧洲的新使命。

这一点把欧洲和美国推上了冲突的道路。美国人没有经历过欧洲的奇迹，也没有不靠武力传播理想、维护秩序的成功经验。他们对于过去50年的记忆只是一场冷战，他们靠力量和意志而不是靠人类内在的“道德良知”最终赢得了这场战争。美国人深受启蒙运动的影响，笃信人性的完美。然而，包括唐纳德·拉姆斯菲尔德和玛德琳·奥尔布赖特在内的一些人仍坚信全球安全与自由秩序有赖于美国这个“不可缺少的国家”在至少是欧洲以外的充满危险的霍布斯世界里展示力量。

没有什么灵丹妙药可以消弥大西洋两岸之间的分歧。大西洋两岸那些呼吁欧洲扩充军力的人是正确的——尽管对武力不以为然的欧洲不会花钱这样做。那些奉劝美国大度一点——即展示美国国父们所说的“充分尊重人类意见”的精神——的人也没有错。美国应当尽可能尊重多边主义和法治努力为那些不可避免的单边行为赚取政治资本。然而，即便如此，欧洲人对美国的权威会表现出必要的容忍吗?

练习

1.As we consider our investment strategies about systems, which are usually fielded for twenty years or more, we have to take care to avoid divergence.

2.Recent years have witnessed a sound development momentum in bilateral ties with fruitful pragmatic cooperation in all areas.

3.The important point is that each side of the transatlantic partnership is capable of shouldering its part of the problems and is ready to act in close harmony with the other.

4.This is far more demanding than it sounds and now is the time to do it because we are in a period of innovation and change.

5.Despite some steps toward peace, the conflict between Israelis and Arabs continued to play a significant role in regional and worldwide relations.

6.This progress in negotiations improved relations between Israel and many Arab countries, including Jordan, which signed a peace agreement with Israel in 1994. 7.High food prices added to the difficulties of the global poverty reduction efforts and affected regional stability.

8.China's period of strategic opportunities is nothing but an international environment and evolutionary process where world peace is maintained and common development promoted.

9.The United States continues to have an interest in the peaceful resolution of the Taiwan question and expects that the Taiwan question will be settled peacefully by the Chinese themselves.

10.A developed, strong and prosperous China will pose no threat to anyone. It will only promote world peace, stability and development.

答案

1.当我们考虑已经存在20余年的体制的投资策略时，我们得小心谨慎避免分歧。

2.近年来，两国关系保持良好发展势头，各领域务实合作，成果丰硕。

3.重要的是，大西洋两岸双方能够肩负起各自应负的责任，并准备与对方密切协作。

4.这要比听起来艰巨得多，现在是行动的时候了，因为我们正处在革新与变革的时代。

5.尽管和平取得了一些进展，但是以色列和阿拉伯国家之间的冲突依然在地区及世界关系中有着重要影响。

6.和谈的进展改善了以色列与很多阿拉伯国家之间的关系，其中也包括约旦，它曾于1994年与以色列签订了一项和平协议。

7.高粮价加大了全球减贫压力，影响了地区稳定。

8.中国的战略机遇期，就是世界和平得到维护、共同发展得到推进的国际环境和历史进程。

9.美国仍对和平解决中国台湾问题保持关注，并期望中国人民能够自己和平解决中国台湾问题。

10.中国的发展、强盛和繁荣不会对任何人构成威胁，而只会促进世界的和平、稳定和发展。